Icelandic doubts about the euro

AppId is over the quota
AppId is over the quota
29 September 2011 Last updated at 23:07 GMT By Paul Henley BBC News, Iceland Formal negotiations for Iceland to join the EU come in the middle of the eurozone crisis

Bombarded as Europeans are, these days, by news of economic disaster in the eurozone, few would expect countries to be queuing up to adopt the single currency.

But in Iceland, which this summer opened formal negations to become a member of the EU, the troubled currency remains the big attraction.

"Compared to the Icelandic krona, the euro is like a rock in the sea, you know," is how Gylvi Arnbjoernsson, president of the Icelandic Confederation of Labour, puts it.

He represents an impressive 85% of his country's workers, and he firmly believes joining the EU would benefit them.

"This is partly because we are already members of the European Economic Area (EEA) and enjoying, and also meeting, the challenges of Europe," he says.

"And it is also because the stability of the euro is such that it would be better than the fluctuations of our own currency.

"For the last 50 years in Iceland, the krona has been used to transfer wealth, every 10 years or so, from the workers to the employers, the companies."

In the aftermath of Iceland's big economic crash of 2008, EU membership was suddenly an attractive prospect to many Icelanders - probably a majority of them - because of the safety-in-numbers it seemed to offer.

But times have changed.

Not only are Icelanders taking note of the increasingly frantic efforts of politicians in countries hundreds of kilometres away to save the euro, they are finding that their own financial circumstances constitute less of an emergency.

The conditions attached to their bailout by the IMF seem comparatively lenient.

The new government of 2009 was allowed to carry on borrowing and spending for another year before the cuts kicked in.

In the meantime, devaluation - something impossible for eurozone members - meant all-important exports suddenly became competitive again. Unemployment is already falling.

Many people's mortgages were quietly "re-negotiated" by the newly nationalised banks. The richest 5-7% of the population have been subjected to a new wealth tax.

The welfare state and the health service were shielded from the biggest savings and public sector workers have recently been awarded an above-inflation wage rise.

Opinion polls suggest a clear majority of Icelanders now oppose joining the EU and the finance minister, overseeing all these changes, is among them.

Steingrimur Sigfusson says his country's size has been crucial in the move towards recovery: "You are quicker turning a small boat around than a big ship.

"And that is, I think, what is being proven: that the small, vibrant Icelandic economy, including having our own currency, makes adapting quicker."

Fisheries obstacle

The biggest sticking point for those currently negotiating the possible terms of Iceland's EU membership will undoubtedly be fishing rights.

Iceland owns the rights to 200 nautical miles around its shores.

It fishes and manages them exclusively, sustaining stocks upon which it relies for 70% of its total export business. Gone are the days when banking was Iceland's biggest business.

In the determined fishing community of the Westmann Islands, off the south coast of Iceland, the resistance seems unanimous to any change that might bring EU boats within reach of these waters.

A population of about 4,000, sheltered by intimidating cliffs - black and sheer - in what is the windiest inhabited place on Earth, relies on year-round catches of cod, mackerel and scampi.

Sigmar Oskarsson remembers the Cod Wars with the British in the 1970s, when Iceland last demonstrated the strength of its resistance to foreign fishing fleets.

He is a youthful-looking fisherman of 50, as sceptical as all his colleagues about the idea of EU membership.

"Icelandic fishermen want to keep their jobs," he says.

"We know from our Scottish colleagues how difficult it can be when other nationalities, like the Spanish, fish their grounds.

"We are good at catching fish and good at protecting them. We have been good at it for a hundred years and we want to keep going, to live on fish."

Neither he nor his bosses at the local fishing company go into detail about the fact that Icelandic concerns own substantial amounts of the fishing and fish processing industries in other EU countries, particularly the UK and Germany.

Such extensive foreign involvement would not be allowed under Icelandic law, so it is not as if there is already a level playing field.

Splendid isolation

As the pro and anti campaigns hot up in preparation for a referendum on EU membership, Icelanders will most likely continue to consider themselves a special case.

And their unique isolation within Europe might well prove be too precious an asset for them to compromise.

One of Iceland's most successful artistic exports, the film director and actor Baltasar Kormakur (101 Reykjavik, Jar City), puts it like this when I meet him in a cafe during the city's film festival: "We actually take it for granted that we will get a different treatment from other nationalities.

"We will always be the special kid in the class because we're small. We're not that important. We're like: 'You can't do that to us, you can't take our fish'."

He adds: "It's really hard to beat somebody up who seems too weak to be beaten up."

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Greeks worry about ambitious privatisation plans

AppId is over the quota
AppId is over the quota
4 October 2011 Last updated at 23:30 GMT By Nigel Cassidy Business correspondent, BBC News, Athens The Greek lottery OPAP will be sold as part of an ambitious privatisation programme Go into any of Greece's 5,000 OPAP lottery shops and there is one thing you definitely cannot bet on.

It is that the array of Greek state assets lined up for sale will fail to raise an agreed 50bn euros by 2015 to lighten the country's crushing international debts.

OPAP is on a long list of nearly 20 entities earmarked for full or partial sale, by order of the European Union (EU) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

They are the sell-offs Greece's European partners are now demanding should be stepped up, not least because efforts to raise revenue through tax receipts are still defeating the country.

But in spite of Greece's lofty plans, the BBC has found that only one solitary stake has actually been sold in recent months: a 10% stake in the mobile phone group OTE has been bought by Deutsche Telecom for 400m euros.

Consequently, the chances of Greece reaching its target of raising 5bn euros by the end of the year from asset sales look slim.

Fear and frustration

It is easy to see why the programme is being opposed every step of the way by most of the state's employees.

As protesters unfurl their banners in Syntagma Square, it is clear that they bracket all the mooted sell-offs with other unpalatable measures, such as austerity tax rises and job cuts.

Greek utility workers are wary about plans to sell off the companies they work for

Staff fear that as public services - from power and water supply to transport and defence industries - are sold, it is inevitable that their pay and pensions will be drastically cut.

For their part, Greece's European partners are infuriated at the painfully slow progress in freeing up all these utilities.

Critics frequently suggest Greek privatisation is mired because the Pasok party in power has traditionally protected state workers, and is not pushing the measures through with enough vigour or conviction.

Much resistance

Whether or not this is true, there are several other reasons for the delays.

Some of these are apparent if you take a ride to the Athens suburb of Zografou.

(Bids for 49% of the railway OSE are welcome, by the way, but offers may not be forthcoming until losses of a billion euros a year have been stemmed.)

Greece remains "the last Soviet bastion in Europe", says Eydap's chief executive Nikolaos Bardis

This is where you find the headquarters of Eydap, the well-respected water and sewage utility serving Athens, which employs 2,800 workers and has a good reputation for maintaining supplies of high-quality drinking water.

Eydap is supposed to be privatised next year, but the company says little has happened since it was put on the list.

Few workers are expected to lose their jobs after any sell-off, but bosses admit that pay, conditions and pensions may not be maintained at current levels.

Yet a huge union poster outside the front door shows a wad of euro notes, with a running tap emerging from them.

The message: Do not try to profit from our essential services.

'Soviet bastion'

There are two reasons why the sell-off process has been slow, according to Eydap's chief executive Nikolaos Bardis.

Bureaucratic delays have contributed, as have investors' concerns that the potential value of the company might fall, given the current financial climate.

"We can say that Greece remains the last Soviet bastion in Europe," Mr Bardis says.

"There is a lot of opposition to the process. Socially this is a completely new idea. People here are just not used to private investors controlling state-owned companies.

"It is also true that the (Eydap) capitalisation is low because the market is extremely distressed and [the sell-off] didn't happen much earlier when the capitalisation was larger."

Investors' concerns

Mr Bardis has recently returned from a visit to the City of London to drum up investor interest in his company.

MP Elena Panaritis says privatisation is slow because democracy in Greece is weak

One concern expressed there was that the Greek government was retaining the right to set water charges, a job that might be expected to fall to an independent regulator.

Potential buyers do not like the idea of political interference in consumer charges, which could easily have the effect of wiping out profits or investment spending plans, Mr Bardis observes.

"They are also concerned about the country's solvency and whether it will stay in the eurozone or be forced to re-adopt the drachma," he says.

"And they are making the assumption that the country will ask its lenders to take a 50% haircut on its loans," he adds, which means the lenders should expect only half their money to be repaid.

While investors are getting used to the idea, the same seems to be the case with the Greek people, who are gradually coming to realise that their country is broke.

"I do believe there is now a a silent majority in the society which is in favour of reform," says Nikos Koritasis, a principal at the Koultadis law firm that is deeply involved in the country's gas privatisation.

The company is working for a new Greek agency that has been set up expressly to run the sale of the country's assets, and Mr Koritasis insists people understand Greece has to try something new.

"There have been long delays, but there is now a new will to speed up the whole process," he says.

Speedy privatisation

One member of the Greek parliament who has a clearer perspective than most is Elena Panaritis.

She is a former World Bank executive, brought into the ruling Pasok party by Prime Minister George Papandreou to help oversee decisions and educate other politicians about the ways of the markets.

Following another long night of parliamentary debate, the country is making "superhuman" efforts to clear the way for the privatisations, yet it is taking time, she laments.

"We haven't been able to be as effective precisely because our bureaucracy is so bad," she reasons.

"Getting anything done is so complicated, with conflicting regulations and far too many people involved in taking decisions on each single asset.

"All this is taking longer than the 16 months we have to get it resolved. There really is the appetite to get the job done, but there are layers of steps and we get bogged down with the actual details."

It took the privatisation pioneer Britain well over a decade to free up and sell off its essential industries. Greece is expected to do much the same in a few months.

So it is no wonder that privatisation is a hard sell. It is another leap for this state-dominated island nation into what are seen as shark-infested commercial waters.

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